![]() ![]() Language, for example, allows us to recombine a finite set of elements in essentially infinite patterns to create meaning. The third question distinguishes among the original function of a trait and the way it is currently used. Those same features have been found in various monkey species that have been tested in face processing tasks, and this provides one piece of evidence for homology. degradation when faces are inverted) and neural signatures (localized cortical activations). For example, face processing in humans shows behavioral signatures (e.g. How can we distinguish homology from homoplasy? We look for signatures, or common features. If comparative data indicate that even only one other species possesses the trait in question, then the question shifts a bit, and we have to determine whether the trait is homologous (depending on the same mechanisms), or homoplastic (depending on distinct mechanisms that presumably evolved independently). That the first question necessitates a comparative approach should be obvious. (3) What functional problem does a given trait solve, and did it evolve for this particular function? (2) Does the acquisition of a given trait depend on uniquely human abilities? Three questions necessitate a comparative evolutionary approach (or, minimally, are enriched by such an approach): (2) they emerge early in human development, and can be found in infants and children, as well as adults. (1) they evolved early in the timecourse of evolution and are shared with other animals, and, When human adults show complex, possibly culture-specific skills, they emerge from a set of psychological (and thus neural) mechanisms which have two properties: Regular readers of this blog know that while I think studying animal cognition, behavior, and communication is (sometimes) fun and (always) interesting, the real importance - the why should I care about this - is because by understanding animals, we can attempt to learn more about ourselves. ![]()
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